The delegation of the Supreme Headquarters demanded the recognition of the territory east of the Neretva, the Raska region, as its recognized state, German aid in weapons and proposed a joint fight against the Chetniks and the British after their eventual landing on the Adriatic.
IN THE INTRODUCTION of his capital book “Long movement between slaughter and plowing – History of Serbs in the new century (1492 – 1992), Milorad Ekmecic writes” The strange title of this book is borrowed from the assessment of the long course of Serbian history written in 1919 by the writer Ivo Andric.
Probably with more advanced peoples, whose languages do not have as truthful expression as Serbian, this sentence would read “Duto movement between swords and plows”. In both cases, it is the shortest synthesis of the history of a nation that passed from war to war, with the plows that have not changed for at least four centuries. In this sentence, someone will reveal the whole philosophy of survival, growth and formation of what has survived from the Serbian nation. As with other peoples, with Serbs, history has been a constant and arduous effort to preserve their identity. “
Before the readers of the “Historical Supplement” is a selection of texts from the book “Revolution 1941-1945” in which the author, in his own way, sheds light on many dilemmas about the uprising, cooperation and then the complete split between communists and Serbian nationalists, and “British playing cards with Russians “which determined the future of post-war Yugoslavia.
“Apart from the lack of documents – Ekmecic notes – to explain some key events in this history of the Serbian people during the Second World War, the excess of ideology in the research achievements done so far also causes damage. Marxist until 1990, was replaced by a mountain after that. The first suppressed the Serbian national question and the religious type of civil war from that history, the second overemphasized it, and in recent times began to question the nation as the framework and goal of events, in the name of the vague need to criticize modern nationalism.
ONE of the basic questions in this research is the doubt that it would be justified to call this event a revolution. Marxist ideology, with a tendency to support the legend that it was a matter of desires to create a society based on a critique of old property, pushed aside the fact that armed resistance to foreign occupation was the main internal content of that history. This is precisely the reason why some recent achievements in writing this story would rather bypass that expression as a whole.
Until science is vulgarized, it is burdened with the dilemma of who was the first to ignite the spark of the 1941 uprising, communists or Serbian nationalists. The truth is in the fact that neither of them raised that armed resistance, but he raised them. The communists were too few … and for the Chetniks the basic question is: can they even be called a movement in the moment before the outbreak of the uprising and during it. These were volunteer groups, without literature, publications and intelligence, a movement without movement.
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